Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
Name
4141-6115-1-PB.pdf
Description
Published version
Size
277.59 KB
Format
Adobe PDF
Checksum (MD5)
810f14beef39ea8a2d5193708f534177
Author(s)
Aravind, Athulya
Hackl, Martin
Date Issued
2017
Journal
Semantics and Linguistic Theory
Publisher
Linguistic Society of America
Version
Final published version
Abstract
This paper examines bi-sentential sequences where additive presupposition triggers (e.g. too, again) seem to be obligatory in the second sentence. We present linguistic and experimental evidence against treating these obligatory additivity effects as uniformly following from Maximize Presupposition! (Heim 1991). We propose that the environments giving rise to these effects involve a discourse move that corrects for over-restrictive assumptions about the domain in the immediately preceding move. Crucially, the second move must be compatible with the first. General considerations about how the discourse unfolds, in conjunction with a principle that sentences are interpreted exhaustively by default, make it so that two sentences in such sequences are mutually inconsistent in the absence of the additive.
MIT Department
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
Terms of Use
Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 unported license
Persistent DSpace Link
DOI of Published Version
https://doi.org/10.3765/SALT.V27I0.4141
