Show simple item record

dc.contributor.advisorRoger Petersen.en_US
dc.contributor.authorO'Connor, Kelly Elizabethen_US
dc.contributor.otherMassachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science.en_US
dc.date.accessioned2018-09-28T20:57:17Z
dc.date.available2018-09-28T20:57:17Z
dc.date.copyright2018en_US
dc.date.issued2018en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118217
dc.descriptionThesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2018.en_US
dc.descriptionCataloged from PDF version of thesis.en_US
dc.descriptionIncludes bibliographical references (pages 31-37).en_US
dc.description.abstractMuch ink has been spilled on the way justifications for and patterns of military intervention have changed, particularly since the end of the Cold War. One aspect of intervention that has not been well explored in this literature, however, is jurisdictional allocation, or which country should try service members who commit crimes while deployed overseas. The sending country normally seeks to retain jurisdiction to protect their service members from criminal systems that may expose them to human rights abuses or lower legal standards than they would enjoy at home. Host countries, on the other hand, often argue against this violation of their sovereignty, which undercuts their legal institutions and ability to regulate internal order. What have been the trends in jurisdictional allocation over time? Has it been consistently allocated to host countries or sending countries, and how has this been justified? What could explain these trends? I explore this question using two cases. The first case focuses on the allocation of jurisdiction in UN peacekeeping Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs) from 1948-2013, and debates in the 2000s over reforming jurisdictional allocation in the UN's model SOFA and Memorandum of Understanding in light of allegations of rape committed by UN peacekeepers on mission. The second case looks at negotiations surrounding the US-Iraq SOFA in 2008 and 2011. Overall, I argue that patterns of SOFA jurisdictional allocation have consistently favoured the sending country. This is better explained by state interests, or sometimes a mix of interests and norms, rather than norms alone. This paper ultimately points to the need to take a more nuanced look at the dynamics of interventions, which may follow different patterns over time. In other words, not all aspects of intervention may be evolving in the same way.en_US
dc.description.statementofresponsibilityby Kelly Elizabeth O'Connoren_US
dc.format.extent42 pagesen_US
dc.language.isoengen_US
dc.publisherMassachusetts Institute of Technologyen_US
dc.rightsMIT theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed, downloaded, or printed from this source but further reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission.en_US
dc.rights.urihttp://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582en_US
dc.subjectPolitical Science.en_US
dc.titleCouching intervention : norms, interests, and trends in jurisdictional allocation in Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs)en_US
dc.title.alternativeNorms, interests, and trends in jurisdictional allocation in Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs)en_US
dc.typeThesisen_US
dc.description.degreeS.M.en_US
dc.contributor.departmentMassachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science
dc.identifier.oclc1052567343en_US


Files in this item

Thumbnail

This item appears in the following Collection(s)

Show simple item record