dc.contributor.advisor | Norvin W. Richards. | en_US |
dc.contributor.author | Branan, Kenyon Garrett | en_US |
dc.contributor.other | Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy. | en_US |
dc.date.accessioned | 2019-03-01T19:56:53Z | |
dc.date.available | 2019-03-01T19:56:53Z | |
dc.date.copyright | 2018 | en_US |
dc.date.issued | 2018 | en_US |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/120671 | |
dc.description | Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2018. | en_US |
dc.description | Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. | en_US |
dc.description | Includes bibliographical references (pages 329-351). | en_US |
dc.description.abstract | This thesis deals with a number of puzzles related to word order, in which the co-occurence of two elements in the same clause imposes a restriction on the distribution of these elements. I suggest that elements involved in Agree relationships [Chomsky (2000, 2001)] are subject to a requirement that they be aligned with the left or right edge of a prosodic phrase, following work done in Richards (2016). I argue that there is a restriction on the opaque satisfaction of this requirement, and show that this provides a unified solution to these word order puzzles. Chapters 1 and 2 deal with movement phenomena, primarily in left-headed languages. In chapter 1, I show that some languages allow A-movement of subjects across other DPs, whereas others do not. I note that this appears to be determined by which edge of a prosodic phrase they require phrases in Agree relationships to be aligned with, and show that this is a consequence of the proposed restriction on opaque satisfaction of the alignment requirement. Chapter 2 builds on the results of chapter 1. I show that A-movement of a subject may cross another nominal in all languages, but only if there is a phase boundary between the launch site and landing site, and show how this falls out from the proposed restriction on opacity. I show also that languages that do not allow A-movement of subjects across other DPs display a similar restriction in wh-questions, and argue that this too is a result of the proposed restriction on opacity. Chapters 3 and 4 deal with the distribution of wh-phrases in languages that allow them to remain in-situ. Chapter 3 deals with co-occurance restrictions between foci and wh-phrases. I argue that these restrictions emerge as a result of a conflict between a prosodic strategy that languages might use to satisfy the alignment requirement, called Grouping, and the proposed restriction on opaque satisfaction of this requirement. Chapter 4 deals with Grouping more generally. I show that languages with Grouping have a particular prosodic signature which marks phonological phrases that contain wh-phrases, whereas languages that lack Grouping do not, and explore the consequences of this for the architecture developed in this thesis. | en_US |
dc.description.statementofresponsibility | by Kenyon Garrett Branan. | en_US |
dc.format.extent | 351 pages | en_US |
dc.language.iso | eng | en_US |
dc.publisher | Massachusetts Institute of Technology | en_US |
dc.rights | MIT theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed, downloaded, or printed from this source but further reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission. | en_US |
dc.rights.uri | http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582 | en_US |
dc.subject | Linguistics and Philosophy. | en_US |
dc.title | Relationship preservation | en_US |
dc.type | Thesis | en_US |
dc.description.degree | Ph. D. in Linguistics | en_US |
dc.contributor.department | Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy | |
dc.identifier.oclc | 1088505309 | en_US |