<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/xsl" href="static/style.xsl"?><OAI-PMH xmlns="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/OAI-PMH.xsd"><responseDate>2026-09-18T22:53:37Z</responseDate><request verb="GetRecord" identifier="oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/113779" metadataPrefix="dim">https://dspace.mit.edu/server/oai/request</request><GetRecord><record><header><identifier>oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/113779</identifier><datestamp>2026-06-16T18:16:03Z</datestamp><setSpec>com_1721.1_7582</setSpec><setSpec>com_1721.1_7581</setSpec><setSpec>col_1721.1_131022</setSpec></header><metadata><dim:dim xmlns:dim="http://www.dspace.org/xmlns/dspace/dim" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:doc="http://www.lyncode.com/xoai" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.dspace.org/xmlns/dspace/dim http://www.dspace.org/schema/dim.xsd">
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="advisor" lang="en_US">David Pesetsky and Danny Fox.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="author" lang="en_US">O'Brien, Chris (Chris Harris)</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="other" lang="en_US">Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="department">Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="accessioned">2018-02-16T20:05:29Z</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="available">2018-02-16T20:05:29Z</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="copyright" lang="en_US">2017</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="issued" lang="en_US">2017</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="identifier" qualifier="uri">http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/113779</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="identifier" qualifier="oclc" lang="en_US">1022565808</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" lang="en_US">Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2017.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" lang="en_US">Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" lang="en_US">Includes bibliographical references (pages 149-155).</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" qualifier="abstract" lang="en_US">This dissertation explores the consequences of multidominance in syntactic theory, with a particular focus on how multidominance interacts with interpretation at the interfaces. In particular, I explore how interpretation is sensitive to complete dominance, in which a phrase dominates every position containing another phrase. I argue that complete dominance plays a crucial role in the resolution of two puzzles: The right-edge restriction on right-node raising and selective island effects in A'-movement. I develop a linearization algorithm which is locally sensitive to complete dominance, and show how, when applied to right-node raising structures, it predicts the right-edge effect. I also explore how, following Bachrach &amp; Katzir (2009, 2017), complete dominance plays a role in cyclic Spellout. Bachrach &amp; Katzir argue that PF Spellout of incompletely dominated material is delayed. I extend Bachrach &amp; Katzir's delayed Spellout model to both PF and LF, and show how, when combined with Johnson's (2012, 2014) model of movement, it predicts the range of selective island effects (Cinque 1990, Postal 1998). Finally, I explore a puzzle concerning the PF theory of islands and the question of whether island constraints are active at LE</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" qualifier="statementofresponsibility" lang="en_US">by Chris O'Brien.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" qualifier="degree" lang="en_US">Ph.D. in Linguistics</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="format" qualifier="extent" lang="en_US">155 pages</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="language" qualifier="iso" lang="en_US">eng</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="publisher" lang="en_US">Massachusetts Institute of Technology</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="rights" lang="en_US">MIT theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed, downloaded, or printed from this source but further reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="rights" qualifier="uri" lang="en_US">http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="subject" lang="en_US">Linguistics and Philosophy.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="title" lang="en_US">Multiple dominance and interface operations</dim:field>
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   	&lt;Title>Multiple dominance and interface operations&lt;/Title>
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   	&lt;PublicationDate>2017&lt;/PublicationDate>
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   	&lt;Abstract>This dissertation explores the consequences of multidominance in syntactic theory, with a particular focus on how multidominance interacts with interpretation at the interfaces. In particular, I explore how interpretation is sensitive to complete dominance, in which a phrase dominates every position containing another phrase. I argue that complete dominance plays a crucial role in the resolution of two puzzles: The right-edge restriction on right-node raising and selective island effects in A&amp;apos;-movement. I develop a linearization algorithm which is locally sensitive to complete dominance, and show how, when applied to right-node raising structures, it predicts the right-edge effect. I also explore how, following Bachrach &amp;amp; Katzir (2009, 2017), complete dominance plays a role in cyclic Spellout. Bachrach &amp;amp; Katzir argue that PF Spellout of incompletely dominated material is delayed. I extend Bachrach &amp;amp; Katzir&amp;apos;s delayed Spellout model to both PF and LF, and show how, when combined with Johnson&amp;apos;s (2012, 2014) model of movement, it predicts the range of selective island effects (Cinque 1990, Postal 1998). Finally, I explore a puzzle concerning the PF theory of islands and the question of whether island constraints are active at LE&lt;/Abstract>
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