<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><?xml-stylesheet type="text/xsl" href="static/style.xsl"?><OAI-PMH xmlns="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/OAI-PMH.xsd"><responseDate>2026-09-19T06:15:32Z</responseDate><request verb="GetRecord" identifier="oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/124273" metadataPrefix="dim">https://dspace.mit.edu/server/oai/request</request><GetRecord><record><header><identifier>oai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/124273</identifier><datestamp>2026-06-16T18:54:01Z</datestamp><setSpec>com_1721.1_7582</setSpec><setSpec>com_1721.1_7581</setSpec><setSpec>col_1721.1_131022</setSpec></header><metadata><dim:dim xmlns:dim="http://www.dspace.org/xmlns/dspace/dim" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:doc="http://www.lyncode.com/xoai" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.dspace.org/xmlns/dspace/dim http://www.dspace.org/schema/dim.xsd">
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="advisor" lang="en_US">Barry R. Posen.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="author" lang="en_US">Nutt, Cullen Gifford.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="other" lang="en_US">Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="contributor" qualifier="department" lang="en_US">Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="accessioned">2020-03-24T15:37:25Z</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="available">2020-03-24T15:37:25Z</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="copyright" lang="en_US">2019</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="date" qualifier="issued" lang="en_US">2019</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="identifier" qualifier="uri">https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/124273</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="identifier" qualifier="oclc" lang="en_US">1144176185</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" lang="en_US">Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2019</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" lang="en_US">Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" lang="en_US">Includes bibliographical references (pages 301-308).</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" qualifier="abstract" lang="en_US">Why do states intervene covertly in some places and not others? This is a pressing question for theorists and policymakers because covert action is widespread, costly, and consequential. I argue that states wield it-whether by supporting political parties, arming dissidents, sponsoring coups, or assassinating leaders-when they fear that a target is at risk of shifting its alignment toward the state that the intervener considers most threatening. Covert action is a rational response to the threat of realignment. Interveners correctly recognize a window of opportunity: Owing to its circumscribed nature, covert action is more likely to be effective before realignment than after. This means that acting sooner is better. I test this argument in case studies of covert action decision-making by the United States in Indonesia, Iraq, and Portugal. I then conduct a test of the theory's power in a medium-N analysis of 97 cases of serious consideration of such action by the United States during the Cold War. Interveners, I suggest, do not employ covert action as a result of bias on the part of intelligence agencies. Nor do they use it to add to their power. Rather, states act covertly when they fear international realignment.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" qualifier="statementofresponsibility" lang="en_US">by Cullen Gifford Nutt.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" qualifier="degree" lang="en_US">Ph.D.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="description" qualifier="collection" lang="en_US">Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="format" qualifier="extent" lang="en_US">308 pages</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="language" qualifier="iso" lang="en_US">eng</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="publisher" lang="en_US">Massachusetts Institute of Technology</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="rights" lang="en_US">MIT theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed, downloaded, or printed from this source but further reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="rights" qualifier="uri" lang="en_US">http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="subject" lang="en_US">Political Science.</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="dc" element="title" lang="en_US">Sooner is better : covert action to prevent realignment</dim:field>
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   <dim:field mdschema="mit" element="thesis" qualifier="degree" lang="en_US">Doctoral</dim:field>
   <dim:field mdschema="mit" element="thesis" qualifier="department" lang="en_US">PoliSci</dim:field>
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   	&lt;Title>Sooner is better : covert action to prevent realignment&lt;/Title>
   	&lt;Subtitle>Covert action to prevent realignment&lt;/Subtitle>
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   	&lt;PublicationDate>2019&lt;/PublicationDate>
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        	&lt;DisplayName>Nutt, Cullen Gifford.&lt;/DisplayName>
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    &lt;Keyword>Political Science.&lt;/Keyword>
   	&lt;Abstract>Why do states intervene covertly in some places and not others? This is a pressing question for theorists and policymakers because covert action is widespread, costly, and consequential. I argue that states wield it-whether by supporting political parties, arming dissidents, sponsoring coups, or assassinating leaders-when they fear that a target is at risk of shifting its alignment toward the state that the intervener considers most threatening. Covert action is a rational response to the threat of realignment. Interveners correctly recognize a window of opportunity: Owing to its circumscribed nature, covert action is more likely to be effective before realignment than after. This means that acting sooner is better. I test this argument in case studies of covert action decision-making by the United States in Indonesia, Iraq, and Portugal. I then conduct a test of the theory&amp;apos;s power in a medium-N analysis of 97 cases of serious consideration of such action by the United States during the Cold War. Interveners, I suggest, do not employ covert action as a result of bias on the part of intelligence agencies. Nor do they use it to add to their power. Rather, states act covertly when they fear international realignment.&lt;/Abstract>
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