2026-09-22T17:27:43Zhttps://dspace.mit.edu/server/oai/requestoai:dspace.mit.edu:1721.1/689122022-01-13T07:54:31Zcom_1721.1_7582com_1721.1_7581col_1721.1_131022
Kai von Fintel, Danny Fox and Irene Heim.
Crnič, Luka
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
2012-01-30T17:02:40Z
2012-01-30T17:02:40Z
2011
http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68912
773614557
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2011.
"September 2011." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 187-193).
The focus-sensitive scalar particle even has an idiosyncratic distribution: it may associate with a weak element in its immediate surface scope only if it is appropriately embedded. We investigate such occurrences of even in two non-downward-entailing environments: in the scope of non-monotone quantifiers and in the scope of desire predicates. We show that they can be properly understood only if we assume that even can move at LF (Karttunen & Peters 1979, Lahiri 1998). The insights garnered in this investigation are then applied to the poorly understood occurrences of negative polarity items in these environments. We argue that they can be explained by assuming that their licensing is governed by a covert even (Krifka 1995, Chierchia 2006). Finally, a parametric account of the differences in distribution between even and other scalar particles is provided. We propose that the distribution of scalar particles is determined by two morphological parameters and their competition for insertion.
by Luka Crnič.
Ph.D.
193 p.
eng
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
M.I.T. theses are protected by
copyright. They may be viewed from this source for any purpose, but
reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written
permission. See provided URL for inquiries about permission.
http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582
Linguistics and Philosophy.
Getting even
Thesis
application/pdf
false
Publication
unknown
unknown
<Publication xmlns="https://www.openaire.eu/cerif-profile/1.1/" id="7df506ce-ce00-44ce-88d1-64865121eb8c">
<Type xmlns="https://www.openaire.eu/cerif-profile/vocab/COAR_Publication_Types">http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_1843</Type>
<Language>eng</Language>
<Title>Getting even</Title>
<PublishedIn>
<Publication>
</Publication>
</PublishedIn>
<PublicationDate>2011</PublicationDate>
<Authors>
<Author>
<DisplayName>Crnič, Luka</DisplayName>
<Affiliation>
<OrgUnit>
</OrgUnit>
</Affiliation>
</Author>
</Authors>
<Editors>
</Editors>
<Publishers>
<Publisher>
<DisplayName>Massachusetts Institute of Technology</DisplayName>
<OrgUnit />
</Publisher>
</Publishers>
<License>http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582</License>
<Keyword>Linguistics and Philosophy.</Keyword>
<Abstract>The focus-sensitive scalar particle even has an idiosyncratic distribution: it may associate with a weak element in its immediate surface scope only if it is appropriately embedded. We investigate such occurrences of even in two non-downward-entailing environments: in the scope of non-monotone quantifiers and in the scope of desire predicates. We show that they can be properly understood only if we assume that even can move at LF (Karttunen & Peters 1979, Lahiri 1998). The insights garnered in this investigation are then applied to the poorly understood occurrences of negative polarity items in these environments. We argue that they can be explained by assuming that their licensing is governed by a covert even (Krifka 1995, Chierchia 2006). Finally, a parametric account of the differences in distribution between even and other scalar particles is provided. We propose that the distribution of scalar particles is determined by two morphological parameters and their competition for insertion.</Abstract>
<Access xmlns="http://purl.org/coar/access_right"
>
</Access>
</Publication>