Multiple case assignment : an Amis case study

Abstract

This dissertation investigates two case-related phenomena: aspect-conditioned differential subject case marking and overt case-stacking, and why case morphology on a DP may correlate with movement of a DP. Guided by data from Amis (Formosan, Austronesian), I argue that case assignment may apply to a single DP more than once and case-stacking is overt realisation of multiple case assignment. In Amis, a DP surfaces with all the cases it has been assigned when it is a contrastive topic. Moreover, Amis provides strong evidence for treating case-stacking truly as stacking of multiple cases, instead of stacking a focus marker on top of a case marker. In addition, I propose that case morphology and whether a DP can undergo certain type of movement are both mediated by [phi]-agreement. In particular, each successful [phi]-agreement with a DP introduces to the DP a K(ase), a structural correlate of morphological case. This is based on the behaviour of subjects of perfective clauses. Subjects of perfective clauses receive genitive case in a neutral context but appear with an additional nominative case when they are contrastive topics. Moreover, there are more restrictions on moving these subjects, compared with nominative-marked subjects of imperfective clauses. I posit that subjects of perfective clauses become [phi]-defective as a result of agreeing with perfective Asp(ect). This is manifested in one less case assignment, which results in genitive case on the surface, and inability to be attracted by certain complex A/Ā-movement probes.