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dc.contributor.advisorAdam Albright and Danny Fox.en_US
dc.contributor.authorMagri, Giorgio, 1975-en_US
dc.contributor.otherMassachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy.en_US
dc.date.accessioned2010-05-25T20:58:50Z
dc.date.available2010-05-25T20:58:50Z
dc.date.copyright2009en_US
dc.date.issued2009en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/55182
dc.descriptionThesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2009.en_US
dc.descriptionCataloged from PDF version of thesis.en_US
dc.descriptionIncludes bibliographical references (p. [283]-293).en_US
dc.description.abstractPart I of this dissertation proposes an implicature-based theory of individual-level predicates. The idea is that we cannot say '#John is sometimes tall' because the sentence triggers the scalar implicature that the alternative 'John is always tall' is false and this implicature mismatches with the piece of common knowledge that tallness is a permanent property. Chapter 1 presents the idea informally. This idea faces two challenges. First, this scalar implicature must be mandatory and furthermore blind to common knowledge. Second, it is not clear how this idea extends to other properties of individual-level predicates. Chapter 2 makes sense of the surprising nature of these special mismatching implicatures within the recent grammatical framework for scalar implicatures of Chierchia (2004) and Fox (2007a). Chapter 3 shows how this implicature-based account can be extended to other properties of individuallevel predicates, such as restrictions on their bare plural subjects, on German word order and extraction, and on Q-adverbs. Part H of this dissertation develops a theory of update rules for the OT on-line algorithm that perform constraint promotion too, besides demotion. Chapter 4 explains why we need constraint promotion, by arguing that demotion-only update rules are unable to model Hayes' (2004) early stage of the acquisition of phonology. Chapter 5 shows how to get constraint promotion, by means of two different techniques. One technique shares the combinatoric flavor of Tesar and Smolensky's analysis of demotion-only update rules.en_US
dc.description.abstract(cont.) The other technique consists of adapting to OT results from the theory of on-line algorithms for linear classification. The latter technique has various consequences interesting on their own, explored in Chapter 8. Chapters 6 and 7 start the investigation of the properties of update rules that perform promotion too, concentrating on the characterization of the final vector and on the number of updates.en_US
dc.description.statementofresponsibilityby Giorgio Magri.en_US
dc.format.extent293 p.en_US
dc.language.isoengen_US
dc.publisherMassachusetts Institute of Technologyen_US
dc.rightsM.I.T. theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed from this source for any purpose, but reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission. See provided URL for inquiries about permission.en_US
dc.rights.urihttp://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582en_US
dc.subjectLinguistics and Philosophy.en_US
dc.titleA theory of individual-level predicates based on blind mandatory implicatures : constraint promotion for optimality theoryen_US
dc.typeThesisen_US
dc.description.degreePh.D.en_US
dc.contributor.departmentMassachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
dc.identifier.oclc608244155en_US


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