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dc.contributor.advisorMichael Piore.en_US
dc.contributor.authorDobbs, Erica Roseen_US
dc.contributor.otherMassachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science.en_US
dc.date.accessioned2014-02-10T16:54:37Z
dc.date.available2014-02-10T16:54:37Z
dc.date.issued2013en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84852
dc.descriptionThesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013.en_US
dc.descriptionCataloged from PDF version of thesis.en_US
dc.descriptionIncludes bibliographical references (pages 388-400).en_US
dc.description.abstractThis dissertation explores the role of native activists in the incorporation of new immigrants. Motivated by concerns that this process would be limited in countries with no tradition of immigration, it focuses on Spain, Ireland, and Northern Ireland. Despite similar patterns of growth and in-migration, there are significant differences in the trajectories of political incorporation. Given Spain's persistently high unemployment rate, and Northern Ireland's dark history of social conflict, we would expect to see the most political outreach to immigrants in Ireland, yet we see quite the opposite. What explains this variation? Drawing from archival research and interviews, I find that differences in how native activists respond to immigrants in the present are due to how they settled past conflicts. In places where past native minority demands for civic inclusion were accommodated, institutions were changed to be more open to minority participation. Later, with new immigration, not only may newcomers have access to civic life through institutions designed for native minorities, native groups may repurpose the same historical narratives used to address their marginalization in the past, to prevent the marginalization of new immigrants in the present. While places that do not have access to this legacy of conflict may attempt to establish new, migrant serving institutions, because these new structures are often targeted rather than universalistic, they are vulnerable to retrenchment. Therefore, while Ireland may have had immigrant-friendly institutions early on, because these did not have vested native constituencies, their remit was limited and unstable. Spain and Northern Ireland's recent conflicts meant that their minority-friendly institutions could not be cut back - and were actually extended - when confronted with new immigration because they also benefited natives with an interest in maintaining them. These findings raise serious questions about approaches to incorporation that focus solely on programs targeting immigrants. They also suggest that societies with a legacy of conflict may be better equipped to handle incorporation than their more tranquil counterparts: if the grievances of previously marginalized native minorities were addressed through the establishment of more inclusive civic institutions, there can be unintended positive spillover benefits for immigrants down the line.en_US
dc.description.statementofresponsibilityby Erica Rose Dobbs.en_US
dc.format.extent400 pagesen_US
dc.language.isoengen_US
dc.publisherMassachusetts Institute of Technologyen_US
dc.rightsM.I.T. theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed from this source for any purpose, but reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission. See provided URL for inquiries about permission.en_US
dc.rights.urihttp://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582en_US
dc.subjectPolitical Science.en_US
dc.titleConstituents without citizenship? : immigrant political incorporation in new destinationsen_US
dc.title.alternativeImmigrant political incorporation in new destinationsen_US
dc.typeThesisen_US
dc.description.degreePh.D.en_US
dc.contributor.departmentMassachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Political Science
dc.identifier.oclc868233068en_US


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