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Wholesale Late Merger: Beyond the A/A[over-bar] Distinction

Author(s)
Takahashi, Shoichi; Hulsey, Sarah
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Alternative title
Wholesale Late Merger: Beyond the A/Ā Distinction
Terms of use
Article is made available in accordance with the publisher's policy and may be subject to US copyright law. Please refer to the publisher's site for terms of use.
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Abstract
In this article, we develop a substantially expanded theory of late merger. Adopting related insights by Fox (2002), we argue that late merger is permitted whenever an output representation can be interpreted in the semantic component. A consequence of our approach is that late merger is available not only for the well-known case of adjuncts, but also for restrictors of determiners (wholesale late merger). We demonstrate that this theory can explain the different reconstruction possibilities of A-movement and A-movement, as well as various otherwise puzzling facts about movement and ellipsis, while still maintaining the copy theory of movement.
Date issued
2009-07
URI
http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/65947
Department
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
Journal
Linguistic Inquiry
Publisher
MIT Press
Citation
Takahashi, Shoichi and Sarah Hulsey. "Wholesale Late Merger: Beyond the A/Ā Distinction." Linguistic Inquiry, 40.3, Summer 2009. © 2009 The MIT Press.
Version: Final published version
ISSN
0024-3892
1530-9150

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